Contemporary issues in International Relations

The Path of Good Intentions - Civil Society's Role in Romania's National African Strategy

raducucuta — Thu, 29 Feb 2024 21:05:06 +0000

The Path of Good Intentions - Civil Society's Role in Romania's National African Strategy raducucuta Thu, 02/29/2024 - 23:05

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Radu-Alexandru

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Cucută

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Dr.

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Expoziţiei 30 A, Sector 1, Bucharest

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radu.cucuta@dri.snspa.ro

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0722557986

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NUPSPA

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

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The Path of Good Intentions.

Civil Society’s Role in Romania’s National African Strategy

Radu-Alexandru Cucută

The paper discusses, from a social constructivist theoretical perspective, the manner in which Romania's African Strategy, Romania - Africa: A Partnership for Future through Peace, Development and Education, envisions civil society's role. The paper tries to identity the political, theoretical and ideological underpinnings of the document's view of civil society, by analyzing not only its content, but its position within the wider context of Romania's foreign policy.

The ambiguous or rather limited role that civil society is expected to play is explained as a result of the two rather conflicting views of international politics which the document tries, albeit unsuccessfully to reconcile: an understanding of international politics, focused on the distribution of power and centered on the privileged role states play in international politics, stemming from a historical sense of vulnerability exacerbated by the War in Ukraine, which cannot be reconciled with a view of international relations focused on the role of international institutions and Romania’s historical support for decolonization. In addition to the interaction between these perspectives, both views, however, prescribe a subordinate role for civil society.

Keywords: constructivism, civil society, Romanian-African relations

Author description

Radu-Alexandru Cucută (b. 1985) is a lecturer with the Department of International Relations and European Integration, of the National University of Political Studies and Public Administration, teaching the Strategic Studies, African Studies and Political Philosophy of International Relations classes. His research interests are theories of revolution and theories of international relations. E-mail address: radu.cucuta@dri.snspa.ro

The Social Construction of Interests

The theoretical framework of the paper adheres to some general tenets of social constructivism. Constructivists argue that reality itself is a form of social construction (Berger and Luckmann 1991: 149-182). Moreover, factors seen otherwise as paramount in international relations, such as power, sovereignty and security are social facts (Barnett 2023: 198-199), relevant only in terms of their intersubjective meaning (Osiander 2008: 40-41; Tannenwald 2005: 14-16; Sørensen, Møller, Jackson 2022: 196-197). Consequently, the paper adopts an idealist view and considers that foreign policy and strategic planning represent deliberate state actions instrumental to the pursuit of interests. The interests themselves however are socially constructed (Hurd 2008: 306-307) and are an expression of the self-perceived Romanian identity.

Fundamentally, the paper takes an agnostic perspective inasmuch as the debate between “conventional” and “critical constructivists” is concerned (McDonald 2018: 52-53; Sørensen, Møller, Jackson 2022: 199-201), positing however that the strategic document relevant for Romania’s interaction with Africa exhibits two distinct perspectives: On the one hand, a rather traditional approach to international politics, focused on security issues seen primarily in military terms, which emphasizes the primacy of state actors. This view is exacerbated by the threat seen in Russia’s war in Ukraine and it contrasts with a perspective which tries to take advantage of Romania’s past interactions with African countries, its position on national liberation, colonialism and the emphasis it placed on international institutions, on the other hand.

It is important to note, at the same time, that, while many ambiguities in relation to the role civil society should play are a result of the interaction between the two dimensions, both see the role civil society should play as a rather subordinate or auxiliary element. Analyzing Romania - Africa: A Partnership for Future through Peace, Development and Education, (hereinafter RAPFPDE), the article traces the interaction between the two perspectives as a significant source of the strategy’s reluctance to engage with this topic and to find a role for civil society in Romania’s African foreign policy. The two perspectives represent in essence not only self-perceptions of Romania’s identity and, consequently, interests, but are also an expression of Romania’s divide between past and present. While past interaction with African countries were important for the foreign policy of Communist Romania, NATO and EU membership are the bedrock of the country’s current strategic thinking.

A Traditional View of Security

The first perspective which is highlighted by the document is heavily reminiscent of a very traditional view of security (Buzan 1983: 75-83). There are several peculiar elements present in the document: membership to the EU and NATO as the overarching determinant of foreign policy and the instrumental security guarantee, the primacy of state actors, the pervasiveness of power relations in the international arena, security seen mostly in military or economic terms, foreign policy viewed as a series of competitive zero-sum games.

From the onset, the document argues that African developments can play a major role in “influencing the balance of the system of international relations and the global balance of power” (RAPFPDE 2023: 1), highlighting that power considerations are distinctly more important than other “subjects of global interest” such as economic growth, environmental and climate change dynamics, transition to green technologies or combating terrorism. It is important to notice at the same time that while some non-traditional topics appear within this list of priorities, the outlook remains thoroughly traditional: for example, Africa is important for the green transition because it can provide access to rare minerals. Moreover, relations with Africa are set within a global competitive context: due to the continent’s increasing importance, the strategy envisions the existence of a “global competition” for a qualitatively and quantitatively different interaction with African countries (RAPFPDE 2023: 1). In addition, the Romanian strategy is related to the increased interest Romania’s foreign partners and the EU show the African continent (RAPFPDE 2023: 7). The document emphasizes that the relevance of the African political communities and their development imperatives are somehow instrumental and not goals in themselves: they are instrumental to the maintenance of a favorable global distribution of power and they are also one of the instruments by means of which the EU (or the US), can reach its own strategic objectives. Furthermore, African leaders and societies themselves have to acknowledge Romania’s status as a NATO and EU member (RAPFPDE 2023: 10).

The fact that the strategy adopts the perspective of the European Union is highlighted also by the document’s discussion of migration. The impact climate change can have on migration is taken into account at the European level (Udrea 2023: 140-144). Furthermore, the 2015 EU debates about managing the consequences and impact of migration are also significant (Pătraşcu 2015: 251-256). The strategy acknowledges that while Romania is not a destination for the African migrants, managing migration in cooperation with the country’s “European partners” remains an important objective (RAPFPDE 2023: 5).

The document firmly sees Romania as a member of “the Euro-Atlantic” community, deploring the “the historical reasons” and the “battle of narratives”, fueling a citizen and political leader level mistrust in “Western” projects (RAPFPDE 2023: 1). The section is relevant for several reasons: firstly, the geopolitical discourse clearly places Romania within the geopolitical “Western” world, a construct equated by the document’s content with the Euro-Atlantic community. Secondly, dismissing colonialism as a “historical reason” which can fit alongside the “narratives” of competitors is also relevant for the conventional worldview espoused by the document. In a sense, the strategy sees only a discursive dimension of colonialism which can be appropriated in order to advance power interests and seems to side-step the long term detrimental and traumatic impact of the process. This interpretation is strengthened by the fact that the most damaging impact of this mistrust is the lack of progress registered by “Western projects”. It is just as important that, in a highly unusual manner for a strategic document, RAPFPDE contains a section titled “Africa beyond stereotypes”, which, tellingly, is present only in the Romanian version of the document. (RAPFDE 2023: 2, Romanian version). The strategy underscores that Romania sees itself as part of a “Western world” engaged in a power maximization global competition, and it is as part of taking up the “Western” label that Romanian engages with Africa.

Moreover, the Romanian strategy is aligned with the EU-Africa Strategic Partnership (RAPFPDE 2023: 1) and the document acknowledges that actions in the Sahel and in the Horn of Africa will observe the provisions of EU’s regional strategies (RAPFPDE 2023: 2). The document continues to leave the same impression that African development objectives are legitimate and relevant not in and of themselves, but because they were endorsed by the European Union: “Pan-African economic integration is fully in line with the economic objectives of the EU in relation with Africa” (RAPFPDE 2023: 4). Romania’s profile in relation to Africa is therefore seen within the institutional and normative confines of the European Union: the strategy references the role member states such as Romania will play in the disbursement of the 150 billion Euros package the EU will use for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and the African Union’s Agenda 2063 (RAPFPDE 2023: 7).

The same positioning is reflected by the document’s discussion of the Strategy’s objectives, which are derived from Joint Vision 2030, adopted at the 6th European Union-African Union Summit, Brussels, 17-18 February 2022, and from the African Union’s Agenda 2063: The Africa We Want (RAPFPDE 2023: 9). The insistence on Romania’s “Western” status is noticeable also when debt owed to Romania is concerned: Romania’s candidacy to the OECD is the most prominent variable in determining the country’s future position on the matter (RAPFPDE 2023: 10).

Sometimes, the document seems to attempt to strike a middle ground between the commending and the stereotypical depiction: Africa, notwithstanding the diversity of the continent, becomes “a global actor” at the same time “dynamic” and “to be further mobilized” (RAPFPDE 2023: 4).

Even when the strategy cannot avoid mentioning colonialism, the discussion is incomplete or brief. Colonialism is directly responsible for the significant number of ethno-linguistic communities separated by internationally recognized borders (RAPFPDE 2023: 5). However, the document fails to acknowledge that while the problem was a source of contention for the leaders of the African countries, a decision to maintain the inherited frontiers and to settle on an informal rule of identifying ruling governments was adopted fast and it has succeeded in preventing inter-state conflict (Herbst 2000: 112-113, Thomson 2010: 46). The Western-centered perspective is still present. While the document acknowledges the trauma colonialism brought about, this represents in fact a vulnerability that can be exploited by state and non-state actors (RAPFPDE 2023: 5). The solution to this problem is not dealing with the consequences of colonialism, but increasing the resilience of these societies (RAPFPDE 2023: 5), a major point of emphasis in Romanian strategic documents (Cucută 2023: 25-34). The attempt to sidestep the impact of colonialism is relevant in the scarcity itself of its mentions – the document makes only three direct references to colonialism.

The confrontational nature of international politics is marked also by another factor – the increased sense of threat generated by Russia’s attack in Ukraine. In this context, Romania promises to offer its expertise to combat the Russian discourse blaming the Western countries for the food crisis manifest in several African societies (RAPFPDE 2023: 7). It is telling, therefore, that the document manages to mention “Ukraine” nine times and makes only three direct references to colonialism, one of the being that Romania has no colonial past (RAPFPDE 2023: 5).

It is of little importance to what extent there is a normative dimension of NATO, or, more importantly, of the EU (Cucută 2015: 199-202). What is most significant is that, for particular historical reasons, Romanian history is interpreted or imbued by a specific sense of vulnerability. The conflict in Ukraine, which is referenced by several Romanian strategic documents (National Defense Ministry 2021, Romanian Presidency 2020) only exacerbates this historical sense of structural vulnerability. Joining NATO and the EU becomes therefore primarily a security concern – apart from the economic or material consequences of joining the two organizations, their role is that of ensuring Romanian security. It is debatable to what extent this might represent a form of balancing future or potential Russian aggression, in the case of a minor power or a form of band wagoning (Miroiu 2005: 66-77). What is nonetheless clear from the study of the strategy is that it expresses a particular worldview, underpinned by a series of assumptions which shape Romania’s first African Strategy: the sense of strategic vulnerability, especially in relation to Russia, the view that all foreign policy actions must ultimately contribute to the strengthening of Romania’s security, a perspective which is significantly state-centered and, last, but not least, a rather ambiguous position in relation to civil society actors, given the difficulty of having them fit within this world view. States and their potentially violent interaction remain the main characteristics of an international system where cooperation, although needed and possible, aims to enhance power and security seen first and foremost as commodities and not as relations (Williams, McDonald 2018: 6). At the same time, it is difficult to discard the normative impact of Romania’s belonging to international organizations and to its own institutional and political heritage. To that extent, we can argue that, at least partially, we cannot discount the potential impact of a “logic of appropriateness” (March and Olsen 1996: 251-253).

Consequently, the “traditional” view of international politics features prominently in the strategy. Even when cooperation with Africa is concerned, the interaction remains a competitive one, within an environment marked by scarcity, hence the emphasis on the trade of limited natural resources. The motivation for the actions seems to be self-interest rather than the expression of an internalization of values, within a global system where the international distribution of power is paramount. References to Russia’s war in Ukraine as a determining factor of Romanian actions is present in the document, which, conceptually, emphasizes the importance of states and political leaders and leaves little, if any room for the actions of civil society or non-state mediated interaction. Moreover, it is important to highlight that the range of objectives pursued by the strategy is extremely diverse, ranging from security, combating terrorism to environmental issues and higher education. Given this scope, it is difficult to argue whether the financial resources backing the strategy are adequate.

Romania’s Traditional African Politics

The second perspective espoused by the RAPFPDE takes into account the historical interactions between Romania and the African countries. This perspective emphasizes Romania’s policy during the communist period, without referencing its ideological underpinnings, opting to focus on its impact rather than its motivations. Furthermore, the perspective is given specificity by the emphasis it places on the institutional format of interacting with African states. International institutions do matter and represent the best avenue for success in complementing bilateral efforts.

The origins of Communist Romania’s African policy are difficult to identify in ideological terms (Oprea 2009: 79-96). On the one hand, it is possible to see in Romania’s interaction with African countries the expression of its limited or, on the contrary, “autonomous” or “independent” course in relation to the USSR (Miroiu, Nicolescu-Quintus, Ungureanu 2004: 132-141). On the other hand, it is possible to ascribe to the communist regime the same ideological or bureaucratic constraints manifest in the Soviet Union (Kalinovsky 2017: 72-94). Support for decolonization has also been suggested as a motivating factor for Romanian actions (Iacob, Vasile 2019: 133-163). Just as the ideological underpinnings are a matter of further research and debate, so is the level or the nature of Romania’s economic assistance to African countries (Oprea 2009: 97-110). Regardless of these considerations, the self-perception implicit in the document is that the level of Romanian-African interactions was quantitively and qualitatively superior to the present one. In fact, the strategy tries to capitalize on it, ascribing it the “traditional” label. Thus, the Strategy acknowledges the “traditionally positive perception of Romania”, “traditional contribution to Africa’s development”, “traditional presence on the African continent” as well as the “special tradition of Romania-Africa cooperation” (RAPFPDE 2023: 2), “traditional relations” (RAPFPDE 2023: 9), and “traditional experience” (RAPFPDE 2023: 10). The document tries however at times to reconcile the two visions: Romania is seen as an EU “Member State with a traditional presence on the African continent” (RAPFPDE 2023: 2).

Nonetheless, the strategy acknowledges that the intensity of Romania’s interaction with African politics has diminished – the document argues that NATO and EU accession, which represented the foremost political priorities after the 1989 Revolution, can help “reconnecting” with the African region (RAPFPDE 2023: 2). The text makes it clear that the reconnection entails, to a significant degree contacts between political leaders – either within a bilateral or an institutional framework: political leadership visits, contacts between MPs, consolidating diplomatic efforts or interaction within the AU or UN (RAPFPDE 2023: 11).

It is important to stress that the document places a significant emphasis on the importance of the institutional format of interacting with representatives of African countries: while belonging to NATO and the EU are seen as paramount, the strategy nonetheless insists on the importance of the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie (OIF) or the Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP) (RAPFPDE 2023: 12). It is relevant that these organizations and not NATO or the EU as potential venues for increased cooperation.

The specter of the conflict in Ukraine remains nonetheless present. The document emphasizes on several occasions the importance of a multilateral rule-based order and Romania’s interest in upholding it (RAPFPDE 2023: 4, 8, 10,12). It is important to note, however, that the respect for the international rule-based multilateral order is directly connected with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, seen as a direct threat to the UN system (RAPFPDE 2023: 10).

Civil Society – the Missing Actor

Given the interplay between the two positions, the paucity of the references to civil society and the minor role it is supposed to play in the development of Romanian-African relations is no surprise. The document notices the existence of civil society cooperation independent of the state framework (RAPFPDE 2023: 2), while promising that public institutions, and the Foreign Ministry in particular will support civil society’s projects in African countries. It is undoubtedly important that many references to civil society concern first and foremost Romanian actors.

Consequently, the objectives of Romanian aid do not include the support of African civil society. The prominent goals remain “focused on education, transfer of expertise and training of specialists” or grassroots projects concerning hospitals, schools and sport associations in South Africa, Senegal, Kenya, Angola, Nigeria and Ethiopia (RAPFPDE 2023: 9). In spite of the insistence that there needs to be a social dimension of Romania’s engagement with African politics, to a large extent that consists of creating forms of interaction with African graduates of Romanian universities (RAPFPDE 2023: 8) or helping prospective African students to join graduate programs, a limited and in itself self-limiting approach (RAPFPDE 2023: 11). It is relevant that, as far as the strategy is concerned, “people to people” contacts are limited to the university framework, even though there is a significant activity at both the academic research and NGO level in Romania (Cibian, Vereştiuc, Stângaciu 2023: 9).

In fact, the insistence on interacting directly with African leaders, either via high-level visits or bilateral engagement (RAPFPDE 2023: 10) represents a clear preference of the strategy. Direct engagement with the leadership represents not necessarily a response to the institutional or financial constraints, but a consequence of both the tensions generated by the two logics the strategy tries to reconcile and of the shared state-centric view both perspectives espouse.

The document envisages that a significant part of the funding – up to 17% of the aid distributed via ROAID – will be used in order to fund “a sustainable and inclusive approach” prioritizing youth and women as beneficiaries of grassroots projects (RAPFPDE 2023: 13). To the extent that civil society is actually mentioned directly, the document makes only a general claim to support an increased level of cooperation between African and Romanian NGOs (RAPFPDE 2023: 12).

All in all, the role of civil society is scarce. To the extent that the document tries to breach out of security or economic rationales for cooperation, education, remains the most prominent dimension. Nonetheless, the approach is also state-centered: it concerns the activity of research centers operating within major Romanian universities or the desire to reconnect with Romanian universities alumni or attracting African students remains a prominent dimension. While the development assistance managed by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs might represent a first step towards a more vigorous approach, it is important to note that the most recent data offered by ROAID (Romanian Agency for International Development Cooperation), the agency in charge of managing these funds on Romanian ODA is from 2014 and back then only 0.11% of the GNI was allotted to this end (ROAID 2024). Supporting civil society remains mostly an aspirational goal, a path of good intentions, which is allotted scant resources within a political environment which does not focus on foreign aid.

Conclusions

The paper tried to look at the interaction between two perspectives on interaction with African countries and societies espoused by Romania’s first strategy in the field: a traditional view on security, focused predominantly on power politics and economic considerations and a “traditional” view of past Romanian support and trade with African countries. While the communist perspective on engagement with the African continent could be ascribed not only economic, but also ideological reasons, this view of Romania’s past relations with African countries present in the strategy seems to represent only an attempt to capitalize on a historical interaction. The document alludes to development, but is careful to emphasize Romania’s EU and NATO member status, seeking rather to argue that the support for international institutions is compatible with Romania’s hard won present international status. The strategy tries to build on the “traditional” relations with African countries, which undoubtedly had a stronger anti-colonial undertone in order to promote an agenda which tries to step around the consequences of colonialism.

The tension between the two views – on security and on past engagement with Africa – is prominent mostly in terms of the emphasis placed on international institutions and the status of colonialism, which makes the strategic objectives significantly diverse and in practice, probably underfunded when comparing resources to ambitions. Consequently, support for civil society initiatives is severely limited. The paper identifies also another factor for the limited role civil society is expected to play – both views espoused by the document see states as central, dominant actors in international relations.

Literature

Barnett Michael (2023): Social Constructivism in John Baylis, Steve Smith, Patricia Owens (eds.): The Globalization of World Politics. An Introduction to International Relations. 9th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 194-209
Berger Peter L., Luckmann Thomas (1991): The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology. Penguin Books
Buzan, Barry (1983): People, States, and Fear. The National Security Problem in International Relations. Wheatsheaf Books
Cucută, Radu Alexandru (2015): Uniunea Europeană şi Primăvara Arabă. Limitele politicii externe ale Uniunii Europene in George Angliţoiu (coord.): Europenizarea. Studii de guvernanţă şi securitate, 198-212
Cucută, Radu-Alexandru (2023): Liminality and Fashionable Concepts. The Use of International Relations Theories and Concepts in Romania's Strategies. Civil Szemle, Special Issue IV. 25-34
Herbst Jeffrey (2000): State and Power in Africa. Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control. Princeton: Princeton University Press
Hurd Ian (2008): Constructivism in Christian Reus-Smith, Duncan Snidal (eds.): The Oxford Handbook of International Relations. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 298-316
Iacob Bogdan C., Vasile Ioland (2019): Agents of Decolonization? Romanian Activities in Mozambique’s Oil and Healthcare Sectors, 1976–1984 in Anna Calori, Anne-Kristin Hartmetz, Bence Kocsev, James Mark, Jan Zofka (editors): Between East and South. Spaces of Interaction in the Globalizing Economy of the Cold War. Oldenbourg: De Gruyter, 133-163
Kalinovsky Artem (2017): The Soviet Union and the Global Cold War in Juliane Fürst, Silvio Pons, Mark Selden (eds): The Cambridge History of Communism. Endgames? Late Communism in Global Perspective, 1968 to the Present. Vol III, 72-94
March James G., Olsen Johan P. (1996), Institutional Perspectives on Political Institutions. Governance, 9(3), 247–264
McDonald Matt (2018): Constructivisms in Paul D. Williams, Matt McDonald (eds.): Security Studies. An Introduction. 3rd ed. London & New York: Routledge, 48-59
Miroiu Andrei (2005): Balanţă şi Hegemonie. România în politica mondială, 1913-1989. Bucharest: Tritonic
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Osiander Andreas (2008): Before the State: Systemic Political Change in the West from the Greeks to the French Revolution, Oxford: Oxford University Press
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Tannenwald Nina (2005): Ideas and Explanation: Advancing the Theoretical Agenda. Journal of Cold War Studies, 7(2), 13–42
Thomson Alex (2010): An Introduction to African Politics. London & New York: Routledge
Udrea Robert (2023): The Paradox of Climate Change Migration. Perspective Politice, XVI (1-2),138-153.
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Web Links

Cibian Ștefan, Vereștiuc Andrei, Stîngaciu Remus Ionuț (2023): Romania's Relations with African countries: Input for a renewed Strategy. Făgăraș: Editura Institutului de Cercetare Făgăraș, available at https://icf-fri.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/12/Policy-Brief-Romanias-Strategy-for-Africa-pentru-design.pdf, 15.03.2024
National Defense Ministry (2021): Strategia Militară a României. Capacitate defensivă credibilă, pentru o Românie sigură, într-o lume marcată de noi provocări, available at https://sgg.gov.ro/1/wp-content/uploads/2021/08/STRATEGIA-MILITARA-A-ROMANIEI-1.pdf, 09.03.2024
Oprea Mirela (2009): Development Discourse in Romania: from Socialism to EU Membership, available at https://amsdottorato.unibo.it/2228/1/Oprea_Mirela_tesi.pdf, 12.02.2024
Romanian Agency for International Development Cooperation (2024): Frequently Asked Questions, available at https://roaid.ro/en/frequently-asked-questions/, 13.01.2024
Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2023): Romania-Africa: A Partnership for Future through Peace, Development and Education, available at https://www.mae.ro/sites/default/files/file/anul_2023/pdf_2023/strategie_africa_2023_eng.pdf, 14.02.2024
Romanian Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2023): România-Africa: Parteneriat pentru viitor prin pace, dezvoltare şi educaţie, available at https://www.mae.ro/sites/default/files/file/anul_2023/pdf_2023/strategie_africa_2023_ro.pdf, 13.03.2024
Romanian Presidency (2020), Strategia naţională de apărare a ţării. Împreună, pentru o Românie sigură şi prosper într-o lume marcată de noi provocări, available at https://www.presidency.ro/files/userfiles/Documente/Strategia_Nationala_de_Aparare_a_Tarii_2020_2024.pdf, 06.03.2024

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The Path of Good Intentions.docx

Geopolitical scenarios and energy transition in the Mediterranean basin.

vitamato — Mon, 26 Feb 2024 13:40:41 +0000

Geopolitical scenarios and energy transition in the Mediterranean basin. vitamato Mon, 02/26/2024 - 15:40

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VITTORIO

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AMATO

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Via Rodinò 22 - 80138 - Napoli - Italy

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vitamato@unina.it

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00393473305184

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University of Naples Federico II

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

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We are experiencing very complex moments in which global economic balances are undergoing a series of shocks caused, after the pandemic and the war in Ukraine, by the worsening of geopolitical tensions linked to the crisis in the Middle East. It is a question of facing an increasingly complex energy scenario, with new shocks linked to the availability of energy sources, their geographical location and political relations between countries. The current and future challenge is to balance the geopolitical implications of the phenomena with the need to keep sustainability at the center of the political framework, while maintaining security and equity. The strategies of the countries will have to be oriented towards guaranteeing this balance.

The Mediterranean is, in particular, a fundamental energy hub for both oil and gas which are directed towards European countries and, in perspective, has the potential to play a similar role also for renewable energy, facilitated by innovative technological solutions which open up new possibilities.

The analysis presented in this paper offers space for some reflections on this strategically important topic.

Testing the universality of alliance theory: The case of small powers and alliance management

vasilecretu — Sun, 25 Feb 2024 17:40:38 +0000

Testing the universality of alliance theory: The case of small powers and alliance management vasilecretu Sun, 02/25/2024 - 19:40

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Vasile

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Cretu

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Bucharest

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vasile.cretu.23@drd.snspa.ro

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National University of Political Studies and Public Administration (SNSPA)

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

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The subject of alliances receives special attention in the international relations literature, but the majority of research focuses on the formation of alliances and, respectively, on the role played by great powers, concepts like balance of power, balance of threat and balance of interest being eloquent in this regard. Thus, the alliance behavior of small powers is an undertheorized theme, understood mostly through the same lens used for great powers. This paper will address this research gap by analyzing the evolution of alliance theory and its main strands, focusing on the need to differentiate between small and great powers.

Against this background, the objectives of the paper are to critically assess the claims of universality that characterize the broad field of alliance theory and to understand how revisions of the existing literature are made in order to include the conditions of small powers and their approaches to mitigate the specific risks of alliance management - abandonment and entrapment.

Reassertion and aggression: exploring the impact of Russian Federation's actions on Ukraine and the Black Sea Region

eugen.gabor — Fri, 02 Feb 2024 10:30:45 +0000

Reassertion and aggression: exploring the impact of Russian Federation's actions on Ukraine and the Black Sea Region eugen.gabor Fri, 02/02/2024 - 12:30

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Codruț

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Ghinea

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ghinea.codrut@gmail.com

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National University of Public Administration and Political Studies

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

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Since the fall of the communist bloc, the Russian Federation has constantly sought to
reassert itself on the international political scene as a global actor, using a wide range of means
and actions in this direction, some even exceeding the scope of legality and legitimacy of action.
The Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict, which broke out at the beginning of February
2022, is one of the most heated contemporary issues in International Relations that generated
regional repercussions in political, economic and social terms, echoing in the entire international political system. As a consequence, this armed aggression generated fundamental changes in the Black Sea Region, especially from a social perspective, as it created a migratory wave of Ukrainian citizens who wanted nothing more than to flee the path of war.
In this article I want to investigate the immediate effects of the armed aggression of the
Russian Federation on Ukraine from a social point of view - against the background of the huge
migration wave in the European states - and politically - the coalition of the member countries of
the European Union in providing support to the Ukrainian forces in order to survive in front of
the Russian invading forces.
Moreover, using the scenario method on the present data available on open source, I
would like to explore the possible outcomes of the war and their implications from the social,
economic and political standpoints. This will allow me to foresee how would look like the “new
normal” for the nations and which measures they need to adopt for a sustainable future.

Keywords: Russian Federation, Ukrainian armed conflict, Black Sea Region, International
Relations, Economic implications, Social perspective

Clashing visions

Flavia Durach — Mon, 03 Apr 2023 18:40:19 +0000

Clashing visions Flavia Durach Mon, 04/03/2023 - 21:40

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Flavia

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Expozitiei 30A ,Sector 1, Bucharest, Romania

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flavia.durach@comunicare.ro

Phone

0724266918

Institution/University

SNSPA

Co-authors

Paul Dobrescu, SNSPA

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

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Abstract

The paper focuses, from a conceptual perspective, on current challenges for development, especially those related to managing uncertainty and crisis. Today's challenges are not bound to specific fields (e.g. geopolitics, energy, finance, climate change, public communication, the digital revolution). All these challenges merge, fueling a crisis of the whole, which can only be overcome through a new vision, through a grand strategic shift.

The paper follows a qualitative approach to analyze the aforementioned issues, and to discuss relevant case studies. We use secondary data analysis of the most recent, analyses, reports and data available to identify main challenges and to inform on the implementation of a new strategic approach for development.

Key words: strategic development, overlapping crises, strategic uncertainty, vision

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Clashing visions_final.docx

Wars, States, and Liberal Values: Reshaping the International Order in a Global World

rsungureanu — Sun, 02 Apr 2023 17:07:13 +0000

Wars, States, and Liberal Values: Reshaping the International Order in a Global World rsungureanu Sun, 04/02/2023 - 20:07

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Author addressing title

Mr.

First Name

Radu-Sebastian

Last Name

Ungureanu

Academic title

Dr.

Address

Bd. Expoziției 30A, 012104, sector 1, București

E-mail

rsungureanu@dri.snspa.ro

Phone

+40 371 445 076.

Institution/University

National University of Political Studies and Public Administration

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

Paper/Abstract submission

For three decades after the end of the Cold War, non-traditional threats and their management dominated the perception and understanding of international security. Intra-state conflicts and humanitarian interventions, the war on terror, the financial crisis, migration or the pandemic sketched the main lines of a political and intellectual landscape prone to notice a continuous erosion of the traditional foci on nation-states and their military preoccupations due to the processes of globalization. Facing these challenges, the major powers, connected by a certain consensus on fundamental issues, commonly coped with the ubiquitous crises. The outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian war dramatically marked the slow, even unnoticed, change of this perspective. As the ‘classical’ optics regains its privileged position as the main approach to international security, this conflict also indicates a revision of the international order, too.

The aim of this paper is to question the noticeable current changes of the international order, based on three main arguments. Firstly, a certain de-legitimization of the great powers’ military interventions accompanies the reassertion of the statist understanding of international security. Secondly, the liberal values are still the very basis of the international order, as they were in the last thirty years. In this realm, the focus moves from trans-national actors, policies, and institutions towards national and international ones, a Wilsonian conception slightly replacing the cosmopolitan approach, of Kantian inspiration. Finally, the global issues do not disappear, but become the premises of the present reshaping of the international order.

Keywords: international order, globalization, liberal values, great power politics, Russo-Ukrainian war

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Wars, States, and Liberal Values - final_1.docx

A real game changer at the Black Sea: Istanbul Kanal

Grigorasserban — Wed, 22 Feb 2023 21:48:56 +0000

A real game changer at the Black Sea: Istanbul Kanal Grigorasserban Wed, 02/22/2023 - 23:48

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Author addressing title

Mr.

First Name

Șerban

Last Name

Grigoraș-Stănescu

Academic title

Other

Address

Strada Anastasie Panu numar 2 bloc A1 scara 3 apartament 79

E-mail

grgserban@yahoo.com

Phone

0720255314

Institution/University

Universitatea Nationala de Aparare ”Carol I”

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Contemporary issues in International Relations

Paper/Abstract submission

In a time when peace in Europe is terribly shaken and the international community's security is under concrete threat because of the developments and escalations of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Turkey is preparing to blow out the candles on the opposite shore of the Black Sea. The year 2023 will be just the first page of a new chapter for the Turkish Republic, and now on the eve of its centenary celebration it is ready to show the entire world the gift it has prepared for itself. The Istanbul Canal will be undoubtedly the most important infrastructure project of the 21st century. The interest in this pharaonic idea should be embraced by the world as it will leave its mark on the international environment in many ways and forever.

One very important area on which we will focus our analysis of the operationalization of the Istanbul Canal is the military side. A geostrategic change with great implications is emerging, as the implementation of this artificial route will cause the ”de facto” legal regime of the Turkish Straits to disappear. The Montreux Convention (1936) has until now been the guarantee of Turkish sovereignty over the Bosporus and the Dardanelles, and for Russia, it has meant the guarantee of calm waters in the Black Sea. The operationalization of the Istanbul Canal could leave the door open for the consolidation of a permanent NATO fleet in the Black Sea, or at least a better defense of its eastern flank.

We will also look at the economic importance of this mega-project. Turkey has an impressive history, but what is truly remarkable today is its geographical position at the crossroads of Europe, Africa, and Asia. This man-made waterway is part of a wider plan to bring the republic out of economic collapse and make it the most important energy hub between the Caspian Sea/Persian Gulf and the European market.

Lately, imperial mythologies have been resonating in many parts of the globe. The analysis of the Istanbul Canal includes an analysis of the domestic and foreign political trajectory Erdogan's Turkey is heading and how it is moving away from the democratic ideals and values set by the ”Father Turk” 100 years ago.

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Șerban Grigoraș-Stănescu.docx

Expanding the Meaning of Safe: How is the Outer Space Managed from the Perspective of Security

eugen.gabor — Wed, 22 Feb 2023 14:32:19 +0000

Expanding the Meaning of Safe: How is the Outer Space Managed from the Perspective of Security eugen.gabor Wed, 02/22/2023 - 16:32

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Author addressing title

Mrs.

First Name

Mihaela Adriana

Last Name

Păduraru

Academic title

Other

Address

E-mail

mihaela.padureanu@snspa.ro

Phone

Institution/University

National University of Political Studies and Public Administration, Bucharest

Conference Panels

Contemporary issues in International Relations

Paper/Abstract submission

Due to the fact that access to more technology and innovation has expanded in the last decades, more actors are interested in developing or consolidating their access to the outer space. The outer space has a double meaning for the states able to develop capabilities that will afford them to use it. The first one is related to the economic sector: more innovation and possibilities of development and the second meaning is linked to how it can make different actors, especially state actors more secure or more insecure. This paper will focus on the global answers to the topic of space management and will identify the most active players in this field in order to investigate if and how their approach to the outer space has changed and evolved in the last decade.

Keywords: outer space, security, globalization, treaty.

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Expanding the Meaning of Safe.docx

Liminality and Fashionable Concepts. The Use of International Relations Theories and Concepts in Romania’s Strategies

raducucuta — Tue, 21 Feb 2023 17:25:30 +0000

Liminality and Fashionable Concepts. The Use of International Relations Theories and Concepts in Romania’s Strategies raducucuta Tue, 02/21/2023 - 19:25

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Non-student author

Author addressing title

Mr.

First Name

Radu-Alexandru

Last Name

Cucută

Academic title

Dr.

Address

Expozitiei 30A, Sector 1, Bucharest, Romania

E-mail

radu.cucuta@dri.snspa.ro

Phone

+40722557986

Institution/University

NUPSPA

Conference Panels

Contemporary issues in International Relations

Paper/Abstract submission

Liminality and Fashionable Concepts.

The Use of International Relations Theories and Concepts Romania’s Strategies

Radu-Alexandru Cucută

The paper argues that the employment of fashionable concepts, such as resilience and hybrid warfare, is increased in conditions of liminality. Romania’s geographic liminality, political liminality and epistemic liminality favors the employment of fashionable concepts and theories. Successive cycles of intellectual fashion do not result however in the replacement of older concepts and theories by newer ones, but in a multi-layered intellectual architecture.

By analyzing the Romanian National Defense Strategy, the Romanian Military Strategy, the Defense White Paper, the paper attempts to trace out a map of the successive theoretical and conceptual influences exerted on Romanian strategic planning, to identify the meaning attached to these concepts and theories and the relation between them. The faults, inconsistencies and conceptual problems highlighted by the paper can be seen as both the result of the vagueness inherent in fashionable concepts and theories, as well as the result of their use in a self-perceived liminal position and of the attempt to build an internally consistent abstract system.

Keywords: liminality, fashionable concepts, security, resilience, hybrid war

Author description

Romanian Liminality

Romania’s position can be described as a liminal one. The concept of liminality has an established origin in anthropology (Warner 1959; Van Gennep 1960; Turner 1967). Van Gennep argues that every ryte of passage includes “preliminal rites (rites of separation), liminal rites (rites of transition) and postliminal rites (rites of incorporation)”, even though the importance and development of each sequence is contextually relative (Van Gennep 1960: 11). Moreover, the postliminal period becomes sometimes “systematized in the form of commemorations” (Van Gennep 1960: 149). Social life therefore entails multiple rites of passage, each of them marked by phases of separation, margin and aggregation (Warner 1959: 303). The liminal period is an “interstructural situation”, a transition between states, i.e., “relatively fixed or stable conditions” (Turner 1967: 93).

Using the concept of liminality as a rite of passage in international relations is relevant for three reasons. First, the concept can be applied to polities, even though they do not fit the template of relatively small and stable social groups, where many rites are inherently connected with “biological or meteorological rhythms” (Turner 1967: 93), precisely because they “concern entry into a new achieved status” (Turner 1967: 95). Secondly, the value of the concept is given by the inherent ambiguity of the liminal conditions – the place of the liminal group or body is not fixed and it requires its own conceptualization and ontology: people in liminal condition “are no longer classified and not yet classified” (Turner 1967: 96). In Turner’s words, “neophytes are neither living nor dead from one aspect, and both living and dead from another” (Turner 1967: 97). Third, political developments are marked by transitions which do not only resemble rites of passage, but are ritualized as such, with discrete consequences resulting from the changing of the status which is supposed to mark the end of the liminal period. The debate about whether the Balkan region falls within the marginal, liminal or lowermost category (Todorova 2009: 18) highlights the usefulness of the concept. The best case to be made about the relevance of rites of passage and liminality is by looking at Romania’s integration process. Accession to the EU and NATO can be seen as a rite of passage, which entails a discrete separation from the previous “state” (Turner 1967: 93) – the identity and characteristics of Romanian communism. Democratization and the establishment of a market economy, the adoption and implementation of the Copenhagen criteria, become prerequisites of accession. EU and NATO membership status can thus be considered as a “state” quantitatively and qualitatively different from the previous one.

While Romania joined NATO in 2004 and the EU in 2007, it is possible to argue that liminality remains relevant. First of all, the post-revolutionary transition was a long period, which inevitably generates political and social consequences. Secondly, at least in the case of the European Union, the accession was marked by sui-generis conditionalities, such as the imposition of the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (European Commission 2006). Moreover, the fact that Romania and Bulgaria still have to join the Schengen Area and eventually adopt the Euro (Official Journal of the European Union 2005) can be interpreted as a continuation of the liminal period either because all the liminal rites (rites of transition) have not been concluded or because all the postliminal rites (rites of incorporation) have not been performed. Romania is a member of the European Union, under a form of conditional verification and, in many regards, still a candidate (to join the Schengen and Euro Area). The symbolic value of liminality is highlighted by the manner in which the transition manages to dominate the political space: it is not ironic that immediately after Brexit, the Romanian president felt the need to talk about the importance of finding a post-accession project to guide Romanian politics (Iohannis, 2016), a discourse reminiscent of Turner’s argument that the liminal period “may partly be described as a stage of reflection” (Turner 1967:105).

In addition to political liminality, there is also geographic liminality. Geography is a form of discourse that “spatializes” international politics, creating narratives which fit the socially constructed geographical space (Ó Tuathail and Agnew 1992: 192). This form of discourse, which calls for specific policies to fundamentally manage an element, space, seen as unchanging and unaltered (Dodds 2019: 3), entails discrete characteristics of the peoples and polities inhabiting specific spaces. Nonetheless, the borders between the major geopolitical units, clearly defined in terms of identity, discourse and practice, are difficult to establish, thus creating a space of borderlands, with their peculiar position between the familiar and the significant Other (Goldsworthy 1998: 2-8). On the other hand, it is precisely the ambiguity of the border region – too familiar to be part of the orientalist construction (Said 1979: 3-8), but different enough to be apart from Western self-depictions of politics and identity – which encapsulates the idea of liminality. Geographically, Romania remains between created spaces and practices. This liminal position explains also a paradox – first, this intermediary position nonetheless allows elites and societies alike to challenge the discursive divisions and practices – in a sense, accession to the EU and NATO becomes a geopolitical quest of disproving the geopolitical labels. The Presidency, for example, in its website presentation of Romania, is adamant that the country belongs to Central Europe, while being at its frontier with Eastern Europe and the Balkans. (Institute of Geography of the Romanian Academy 2021). Secondly, the self-perception of Romania’s position as a border or as a frontier, as a country at the intersection of several Empires, as a staunch defender of the Western Christian world, has a significant cultural and historical tradition (Boia 2001: 155-157). Additionally, there is the epistemic liminality to consider. The paper does not dwell on whether International Relations concepts are a Western-centered discipline or product (Acharya and Buzan 2010, Acharya and Buzan 2017). Alternatively, it is possible to consider the Romanian reaction to dominant theories and concepts a form of subalternity (Spivak 1988) or mimicry (Bhabha 1994). Concurrently, is difficult to argue against the relevance of investigating the incorporation of knowledge into official documents from a post-colonial perspective (Todorova 2009: 201, Filipescu 2015). Nonetheless, Romanian academic and political elites remain outside the Foucauldian power-knowledge matrix (Foucault 1977: 13) or, alternatively, subjects influenced by a Gramscian-like intellectual hegemony (Gramsci 1992: 12). The concepts and theories adopted are very difficult to challenge, but their relative meaning reflects the peculiar liminal position.

Fashionable Theories and Concepts

The use of fashion in the present paper is related to the perspective espoused by Libiseller (Libiseller 2023). Concepts and theories become fashionable independent of the people who author them, are a function of power and the prestige associated with their adoption by state or international institutions only serves to reinforce their fashionability (Libiseller 2023). The paper is agnostic in relation to the specific process by which a concept or a theory becomes fashionable, or, indeed, “dominant”.

However, I argue that because of the specific manner in which these theories and concepts are articulated and employed by their adopters, the process is not simply a direct one – the overt manifestation of a form of power dressed in academic terminology. The adopter, in this case, the academic and political elites, which are seen as a community of meaning (Yanow 2000: 10-13) involved in the drafting of the analyzed strategies, “adapts” and gives additional meaning to the fashionable concepts and theories, by interpreting and understanding his own position. The analysis will highlight also that successive fashions are not mutually exclusive. In fact, liminality encourages the retaining of remnants of previous fashionable cycles of theories and concepts, resulting in but multi-layered intellectual constructs.

The adoption of fashion concepts is encouraged and influenced not only by their use by international institutions (resilience, in the case of the EU and hybrid warfare in the case of NATO), but also by liminality, specifically because the liminal position is one of ambiguity and uncertainty. The adoption of fashionable concepts and theories serves several purposes. On the one hand, their adoption is seen as a form of incorporation of the values and norms which define the end-state of the postliminal period. On the other hand, their adoption is facilitated precisely because, due to their vagueness and elasticity, they seem to cover a significant tract of the problems that liminality entails. In a quasi-feedback loop, the reference to fashion concepts is required by liminality and is also a solution to its vagaries.

At the same time, it is important to look at the symbolic and ritualistic nature of these strategies. In a sense, these documents do not only encapsulate a strategic narrative and play the role of trying to solve the identified problems within the ends, means and ways triad (Lykke 2001: 179). They can also be seen as the ceremony corresponding to a rite of incorporation, performed during the liminal stage: the multiple references to NATO and the EU, as well as the drafting of a defense or military strategy can be seen as ceremonies pertaining to incorporation rite, albeit in a liminal state.

Methodology

The methodology of the paper is a qualitative one, based on an interpretive textual analysis. Stepping away from the assumptions of epistemic neutrality, analysis can focus on the intersubjective meanings of concepts and discourses (Yanow 2000: 5-10). The paper will analyze the 2020 Romanian National Defense Strategy (hereinafter DS), the 2021 Military Strategy (hereinafter MS), as well as the 2021 Defense White Paper (hereinafter WP), in order to see how concepts and theories are employed, to ascertain their intersubjective meaning, within an interpretive methodological framework (Hollis 1994: 142-162, Hollis and Smith 1991: 1-7). The analysis will highlight how concepts such as “hybrid warfare” and “resilience” are used in an attempt to make sense of the international environment, its strategic challenges and how their employment frames Romania’s strategic efforts. The presence of additional theoretical frameworks, especially Realism, the perspective of the Copenhagen School and geopolitics, as well as liberalism and the influence of nationalism will also be investigated, in relation to the fashionable concepts. Last, but not least, the implicit influence of securitization is discussed within the larger framework of the paper.

Concepts and Theories in the Romanian Strategies

Romanian strategies exhibit multiple successive layers of influence: while the bedrock can be ascribed to a very peculiar form of realism, which interprets international politics based on the global and regional distribution of power, with geopolitical accents, there are nevertheless residual elements of nationalism (the primacy of the state, and the references to national identity and culture) and liberalism (the references to multilateralism and the UN Charter). The realist stratum is complemented by a methodological adaptation of the Copenhagen School’s perspective, which is meant to accommodate the fashionable concepts of resilience and hybrid warfare.

One of the peculiarities of the strategic discourse in Romania is the fact that the role that a national security strategy should play is legally constitutionally ascribed to a “national defense strategy”. The president must present the document before Parliament within six months after taking office (Parliament of Romania 2015), and only enters into force after being voted by the Legislature (Parliament of Romania, 2007). Romania therefore has both a national defense and a national military strategy, a situation ascribed to the influence of the traditional view of security, which sees symmetric threats as intrinsically more significant than asymmetric ones (Soare 2008: 57).

The liminal dimension is made clear by the National Defense Strategy, which expresses it in several ways: Romania’s “significant” role within NATO and the EU consists of assuring security at their external frontier and in the Black Sea Region (DS 2020: 4). Romania is a state on the “Eastern flank” of NATO and the Eastern Frontier of the EU (DS 2020: 21).

The strategic environment is nevertheless one seen from a realist perspective – “global evolutions” are driven by the shifting balances (sic) of power (DS 2020: 6). However, the changing distribution of power results not only in increased great power competition, which the document labels as “the resurgence of geostrategic competition” (DS 2020: 17, 19) but is, in a sense, also responsible for what the strategy sees as a climate of global “uncertainty and unpredictability” (DS 2020: 19). In a similar vein, uncertainty is the result of a transition towards a “stratified multipolar system” (WP 2021: 10). Romania’s position is that of bandwagoning with the United States, given the fact that the US is expected to remain the “pre-eminent” power in this environment (DS 2020: 19).

Residual traces of trust in international institutions also remains represented in the documents – consolidating multilateralism and an international order based on the UN Charter rules is a national interest (DS 2020: 15). There is a possibility of taking part in UN missions (MS 2021: 9), but only with observer and staff officers (WP 2021: 23). The references are nevertheless subordinated to the realist logic – the non-Western contestation of this order can lead to altering the global and regional distribution of power (DS 2020: 18).

It is also important to note the manner in which the Strategy has institutionalized a very peculiar interpretation of the Copenhagen School. The discussion regarding the nature of the sectors of security (Buzan 2016: 34-35, Buzan, Waever, de Wilde 1998: 8-9) or securitization as a speech act (Buzan, Waever, de Wilde 1998: 35-42) were perceived not as abstract instruments for a better understanding of International Relations, but as an explicit permission to include matters of political interest deserving of their own sector: beside national and regional security, the document discusses energy security and cyber security, critical infrastructure and historical and cultural heritage security (DS 2020: 7), as well as “environmental security” (DS 2020: 37), within the framework of “extended” or “multidimensional” security (DS 2020: 7, 19). The faulty understanding of the Copenhagen School’s perspective is highlighted by the manner in which the “societal” label is used: originally coined in order to discuss issues pertaining to identity (Buzan, Waever, de Wilde 1998: 119-120), the Romanian documents use it simply as a synonym of “social” or as a form of residual category. Everything fits this label if there is not a specifically designed institution to manage the problem. Hence document’s use of “societal resilience” (DS 2020: 11, 23) or “societal vulnerabilities and actors” (DS 2020: 12). In a sense, the sectors of security and the securitization process become the implicit methodology which accommodates the fashionable concepts into the strategic framework. Their prevalence is highlighted by their abundant use throughout the documents: “hybrid” is mentioned 19 times by the National Defense Strategy, 11 times by the Military Strategy, 10 times by the Defense White Paper. “Resilience” is mentioned no less than 33 times in the Defense Strategy, 28 times by the Military Strategy and 25 times by the White Paper.

Hybrid warfare

The use of “hybrid warfare” is close to the manner in which it was employed by NATO (Libiseller 2023) – Russian aggressive behavior consists of both actions of militarizing the Black Sea Region and hybrid ones (DS 2020: 7, 22). The vagueness and elasticity of the concept soon becomes apparent: unpredictable global security evolutions comprise not only pandemic or environmental ones, but also have a hybrid dimension (DS 2020: 8). Moreover, cyber threats are lumped together with hybrid ones (WP 2021: 16), as forms of interference in domestic matters (DS 2020: 18). The vagueness of the concept is increased – while “hybrid tactics” can be employed by hostile state actors, they comprise both threats of using force and asymmetric actions (DS 2020: 16, 20). Treating the hybrid dimension as both a tactic and a strategy, without clarifying the differences between them (MS 2021: 7), arguing that hybrid actions and strategies are characteristics of the operational environment further complicates the understanding of the concept. Hybrid actions are seen as capable of having strategic impact (MS 2021: 9), whereas “hybrid tactics” can be seen as a useful alternative given the low chances of major armed conflicts (WP 2021: 12). In fact, “hybrid warfare” is used as a counterpart of both conventional warfare (MS 2021: 26) and a complement of asymmetric warfare (DS 2020: 6, WP 2021: 11). The vagueness and flexibility of fashion concepts facilitates their inter-connection. For example, educating pupils consolidates resilience, thereby decreasing their vulnerability to fake news and disinformation, specifically labelled as hybrid threats (DS 2020: 11); there is a need to increase resilience to asymmetric and hybrid threats (WP 2021: 28). Moreover, destabilizing propaganda can be part of “hybrid-type campaigns” (DS 2020: 28-29). Similarly, global unpredictability resulting from the changes of the balance of power can lead to the resurgence of frozen conflicts and multiple asymmetric and hybrid ones (WP 2021: 11).

Resilience

Resilience is defined as the capacity of individuals and communities to adapt to violent events, and to revert fast to a functional state (DS 2020: 11). The definition echoes the official EU definition (European Commission 2020) and its underlying study (Manca, Benczur, Giovanini 2017: 5). It is important to note that the elasticity of the concept can be traced also to the European perspective, which discusses four dimensions of resilience: social and economic, geopolitical, green and digital (European Commission 2020).

Resilience is seen both in teleological and instrumental terms. On the one hand, “transforming the country into a resilient state” is a paramount objective (DS 2020: 6). On the other hand, resilience becomes instrumental in ensuring that the Romanian state has the capacity to manage the multidimensional and ultimately unpredictable threats to its security, being linked with flexibility and adequate crisis response (DS 2020: 6). Furthermore, it is unclear what the difference between resilience and resistance actually is. The National Military Strategy defines resistance as the capacity to continue the mission in unfavorable circumstances whereas resilience is “the ability to withstand a blow, recover quickly and fight back decisively” (MS 2021: 25). Making use of the definition of resilience used by the National Defense Strategy, military resilience is defined as the “ability to absorb kinetic and non-kinetic shocks” as well as the ability to generate forces and operate after being surprised by an opponent (MS 2021: 26). The convoluted relation between resistance and resilience is expressed by the conviction that both are based on “the ability of organizations and citizens to survive and resist, by violent or non-violent means, to the occupying forces” (MS 2021: 27). Strategically, resilience can also serve as a deterring factor (WP 2021: 7).

The blending between the concepts is highlighted by the use of “societal resilience”, which can be increased by awareness raising measures, by changing the education curriculum and increasing digital competences (DS 2020: 23). There are also explicit mentions of the importance of increasing resilience in regards to asymmetric and hybrid risks and threats (DS 2020: 16), the “resilience of the medical system” (DS 2020: 29), economic resilience (DS 2020: 8), state and national resilience (DS 2020: 10), critical infrastructure resilience (DS 2020: 11), fiscal system resilience (DS 2020: 27), low resilience to disinformation (MS 2021: 8), military system resilience (MS 2021: 13), military education system resilience (MS 2021: 18), resilience to asymmetric and hybrid threats and risks (WP 2021: 28). To complicate things further, the Romanian military is responsible for national resilience (MS 2021: 3), defense planning is expected to “ensure resilience” (MS 2021: 16-17), while having a “resilient defense information system” (WP 2021: 34). R&D is expected to ensure the resilience of the military (WP 2021: 48).

Conclusion

The paper has argued that liminality favors the adoption of fashionable concepts and theories specifically because their vagueness and flexibility seem to offer an adequate labeling of the problems of the liminal position itself. Hybrid warfare and resilience form the latest addition to the Romanian strategic framework. The hybrid label seems to cover all aspects of unconventional threats, risks and vulnerabilities. Resilience, analytically identical to resistance, is the quasi magical antidote to “hybrid” problems, hence the emphasis on increasing or consolidating different forms of sectional or institutional resilience. The assumptions of the strategic framework remain grounded in a form of realism carefully looking at the global distribution of power, while a peculiar understanding of the Copenhagen School seems to be the methodological framework which facilitates the adoption of the very vague fashionable concepts.

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Web Links

European Commission (2006): Commission Decision of 13 December 2006 establishing a mechanism for cooperation and verification of progress in Romania to address specific benchmarks in the areas of judicial reform and the fight against corruption, available at https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:32006D0928&from=EN, 12.02.2023
European Commission (2020): Strategic Foresight – Charting The Course Towards A More Resilient Europe, available at https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/TXT/HTML/?uri=CELEX:52020DC0493&from=EN#footnote23, 06.03.2023
Filipescu Corina Domnina (2015): A postcolonial critique of the production of unequal power relations by the European Union, Birmingham: University of Birmingham, available at https://web.archive.org/web/20190723111536/https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/325c/4fc7c1ed82460988363c2ed3bd9618a10a9c.pdf, 5.02.2023
Foucault Michel (1977): The Political Function of the Intellectual. Radical Philosophy 017, 12-14, available at https://www.radicalphilosophy.com/article/the-political-function-of-the-intellectual, 14.02.2023
Iohannis Klaus (2016): Declaraţia de presă a Preşedintelui României, domnul Klaus Iohannis, available at https://www.presidency.ro/ro/presa/noutati-despre-proiectul-de-tara/declaratia-de-presa-a-presedintelui-romaniei-domnul-klaus-iohannis1466763350, 18.02.2023
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Liminality and Fashionable Concepts_0.docx

Geopolitics and War within a 280 Characters Limit: A Positive and Normative Analysis of Elon Musk’s “peace plan” for Ukraine

Sabina R — Sun, 19 Feb 2023 16:33:39 +0000

Geopolitics and War within a 280 Characters Limit: A Positive and Normative Analysis of Elon Musk’s “peace plan” for Ukraine Sabina R Sun, 02/19/2023 - 18:33

Registration fee details

Student author

Author addressing title

Ms.

First Name

Sabina

Last Name

Rusu

Academic title

Other

Address

Bucharest, sector 2

E-mail

sabina_marcela@yahoo.com

Phone

+40722549193

Institution/University

SNSPA Bucharest

Conference Panels

Contemporary issues in International Relations

Paper/Abstract submission

The subject of the current conference paper concerns Elon Musk’s “peace plan” for ending the war Russia started on February 24th 2022 against the independent and sovereign Ukrainian state, that he tweeted in October 2022, so seven months into the military confrontations between the two sides. Starting with the intuitive assumptions that combat is costly for each side, and that “every war must end” (Ikle, 1971) – so there will be a form of war termination also for Russia’s invasion of Ukraine – the research question that I will address is whether Musk’s simplistic forty-two words proposal could represent an actual peace settlement or at least a genuine basis for peace negotiations between Kyiv and Moscow.

In order to address the issue, I start by presenting Musk’s “peace plan”, then I argue that the specific proposals: (i) do not lay the foundations for a durable and stable peace in Europe, on the contrary, they are a form of appeasement towards Russia, an aggressor state; (ii) represent mostly Putin’s claims for starting the war in the first place – they are not neutral, but come very close to Moscow’s position and demands, while also the language is overtly favourable towards Russia; (iii) would be impossible to implement without recognizing/ legitimizing Russia’s policy in the temporary occupied territories of Ukraine.

The analysis contributes to a better understanding of the reasons for war continuation for the time being, despite limitations stemming from the fast pace of the battlefield events unfolding (that change the negotiations power between the sides) and also from the lack of information on if and how negotiations are held during wartime and what are the real reasons why the settlement process is delayed.

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Geopolitics and War within a 280 Character Limit rev.docx